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Occupy Central 佔領中環


skylee

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Some update -

(1) The occupation continues.

(2) A member of the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), James Tien, who is also a HK legislator, got fired by the CPPCC because he had openly urged CY Leung to resign from the post of Chief Executive of HK. (HK lawmaker fired for breaking ranks with China)

(3) Murakami Haruki (村上春樹), acclaimed Japanese writer, sent a message of encouragement to HK's pro-democracy protesters in an acceptance speech at an awards ceremony in Berlin (Novelist Murakami hails Hong Kong democracy protesters in German award speech and http://hk.apple.nextmedia.com/realtime/international/20141108/53107566 )

 

日本著名作家村上春樹,獲德國《世界報》頒發文學獎,他出席紀念演講時,為正與高牆對抗的香港佔領行動年輕人打氣。

村上春樹星期五在柏林出席頒獎禮,在演講中提及柏林圍牆倒下將迎來25周年,強調生活在高牆的世界,要有對「沒有牆的世界」的想像力,並令這股力量得以傳承。他寄語香港年輕人要不斷努力嘗試、保持鬥志,終可創造一個沒有高牆的世界。

「想向此時此刻,正與高牆對抗的香港年輕人,送上這個訊息。」村上春樹又說,小說家的責任就是協助讀者,打破各地由偏執、貪婪、恐懼建成的高牆。他約10分鐘的演說,獲全場200多名觀眾大聲拍手回應。

PS - foreign power, again. :)

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A beautician told me this today. It was her day off last Friday and she went to the occupied area in Admiralty to "take a look". She did not have strong opinions about the movement but she thought that it had caused too much inconvenience and should have ended. When she was there she was impressed by the creativity displayed by the protesters and the students' behaviour, specifically the study room/ tents where there were students actually studying. And she agreed that it was not easy to stay on the streets for so long. She did not expect her own good opinions. She didn't say clearly what she thought about the movement, but it seemed to me that she found her visit enlightening.

The movement has actually affected my work. We are planning a function and we have given up a better venue to remove the uncertainty caused by the poor traffic. Same as the beautician I think the movement should have ended. I think there is no good persisting as it is clear that all doors are closed. All we can do is either accept or reject the framework imposed by Beijing. And if the pan-dem do what they have said they would veto the government's reform proposal. Beijing has already made it clear it won't budge and it is fine whether Hong Kong implements universal suffrage for the Chief Executive election or not. So I don't see a bright prospect.

The students have recently issued a letter to Li Keqiang. Here is the full version. I was impressed by the arrogance. A friend of mine commented that the letter was unnecessarily long and untactful bordering on stupid. And it was unwise to talk about what happened in Mainland China instead of focusing on Hong Kong. I tend to agree with him. There is no lack of information for the leaders in Beijing. Beijing has simply turned a blind eye to our requests. I think the letter was a pretext for the students to continue the occupation. Then some student leaders announced their plan to go to Beijing but they could not even manage to board the plane as their entry permits had been cancelled. This was probably a good thing for them.

The occupation would most probably (99.5%) not achieve its objectives although it has helped demonstrate clearly what many people think and want. I think the arrogance, untactfulness and stupidity involved are all part of the students' privileges of being young. Perhaps they could achieve something. Who knows? Meanwhile, we are adapting. We are learning to live with the occupation, the poor traffic and the overloaded metro system. And as the movement continues I have started to not think about it.

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But Mongkok is not student led; indeed, it's supposedly not led by anyone at all. And the protestors there are older than those at Admiralty, more working people than students. Yet they seem just as persistent as the students in holding their ground, if not so given to media grandstanding.

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I don't know, personally, I will not support violent protests.

I do believe in fighting for what you believe in and I will support people like Gandhi, Mandela, Thoreau if I see them leading a non-violent protest.

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I read an article the other day that discusses the price of petitioning in Beijing. (http://1in99percent.blogspot.hk/2014/11/blog-post_30.html).  Usually very high price.

 

「告御狀」?

國史上,士庶民上京向皇權討說法的模式,大體而言有兩種,一是有古老傳統的「告御狀」,一是清末康梁維新派搞的「公車上書」;前者源於私冤,後者關乎國家大事(學聯上京是這一類),然所涉風險皆極大

告御狀往往因為內情複雜引人入勝,一般都是小說戲曲電視劇的好題材。清末幾宗大冤案,包括「梁天來九命奇冤」、「楊乃武與小白菜」等,都是當事人告御狀到最後沉冤得雪的實例,成為民間故事,流傳久遠;其中,楊案主角的後人,十年前還整理出口述歷史。

告御狀乃是中華法治傳統的一個正式部分。大家到維基文庫查一查《清史稿》卷144志部《刑法三》,便知一般所說的告御狀,其實分為兩類,一類稱作「京控」,是初審不服、層層上訴亦不果,最後越級上訴,直訴到京畿司法部門之舉。另一類稱「叩閽」(閽,粵音芬,指官府大門),是申訴人走投無路,直接跑到朝廷門口擊登聞鼓鳴冤,或遇皇帝出郊,攔轎截駕然後當面申訴。

古代的越級申訴者,無論最終是否得直,也要付出沉重代價。傳說上京告御狀者,必先捱過「滾釘板」這一關,皮開肉綻而不死,官府才會受理。此說儘管流行,卻殊不可信,但上述《清史稿》記錄了「越訴者笞」(首先給你打幾十大板)以及「迎車駕、衝突儀仗者,罪至充軍」,則說明古代告御狀的「固定成本」的確很高。

至於康南海和他的高足梁任公搞的「公車上書」,1895年發生在國史上第一次京城學生運動當中;那年正值會試,全國最優秀的讀書人雲集京畿,結果有數千舉人參與了該次「高級學運」。那段歷史十分有名,這裏不多說;如要翻查細節,比較「易入口」的材料,當推史家唐德剛1998年出版的中文版《晚清七十年》一書第三部分第七章「公車上書和保國保種」。值得留意的是,學運領導康有為並未直接因此事吃苦頭,反而在學運高潮之際,中了進士。那是否朝廷為平息學運而作出的分化手段或懷柔政策,則不得而知。

值得回味的是唐德剛寫了這樣一段:「……天下原無不是之學潮!康、梁師徒為着變法改制,雖然後來都變成在逃的死囚犯,但是歷史畢竟是公正的。最近的《人民日報》不是心血來潮,對康、梁和王安石等人,又補作了至高的評介。既然領導那個小學潮的康、梁是歷史上值得歌頌的人物,那麼硬說魏京生、王丹、包遵信、王軍濤等是該關該殺的『暴亂分子』,豈不是睜着眼說瞎話?」

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  • 2 weeks later...

Some updates -

(1) The Mongkok site has been cleared after a lot of scuffle. The clearance arrangements were peculiar. The Government did not initiate the action. Instead, a number of public mini bus companies/ associations affected by the occupation jointly applied for an injunction. And the court granted it and allowed the bailiffs to engage the help of the Police in the clearance. Henry Litton, a judge of the Court of Final Appeal, has commented that he was "intrigued" by this case (http://m.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/article/1638381/top-court-judge-questions-odd-injunction?page=all). I think this is another example of 禮崩樂壞. Over 100 people have been arrested in the Mongkok clearance. Tear smoke and baton beating.

(2) A lot of police officers have been assigned to the Mongkok area to prevent re-occupation. Protesters then called on people to go "shopping" in Mongkok. Many people showed up, walked the streets the whole night, kept crossing the roads, stopping at the middle to pick up things they had dropped, etc. Learn the term "鳩嗚" which means "shopping" (http://evchk.wikia.com/wiki/%E9%B3%A9%E5%97%9A). Also read Richard Scotford's "Black Friday Shopping Report" (http://thehousenewsbloggers.net/2014/11/29/%E6%97%BA%E8%A7%92%E3%80%8C%E9%B3%A9%E5%97%9A%E3%80%8D%E5%AF%A6%E9%8C%84-%EF%BC%8F-richard-scotford/).

(3) In general, the public's support for the movement is dropping. More and more people are discontent and impatient about the occupation, which has lasted for over 2 months now. It seems that the HK Government's strategy of not dealing with the occupation, dispite its "illegal" nature, is working well. People can only take so much inconvenience. (I think this is very poor government, though.)

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It seems that the HK Government's strategy of not dealing with the occupation, dispite its "illegal" nature, is working well. People can only take so much inconvenience. (I think this is very poor government, though.)

Thanks for the update. Not sure if this was poor governance, the government didn't have that many options I think. Negotiation with the Occupyers wasn't really possible, as the HK government didn't really have room to manoeuver. They tried clearing the roads by force and it only got the movement more support and international exposure. Just sitting it out caused people inconvenience, but it appears most people are blaming Occupy and not the government for that. So it seems it was an effective strategy.
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I like Roddy's march from Victoria Park to Central. The Occupy model is aimed to maximize impact for a relative small group of people by taking some prominent public space. But it might be better to get as much of the public involved as possible, to show that there is broad consensus among the public and it's the authorities that are unreasonable and out of touch.

I still thinking they should try to get as much of the public on their side as possible. Holding monthly marches involving hundreds of thousands of people would be much better than relying on a small vanguard group holding the economy hostage in order to get the right to vote.

Requoting some ideas from earlier in the thread. Would holding public marches on a continuous and regular basis have worked better? Could it still work?

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This article is not bad - http://www.pentoy.hk/%e5%9c%8b%e9%9a%9b/t343/2014/12/02/%e9%84%a7%e5%8a%9b%e8%a1%8c%ef%bc%9a%e5%8f%b0%e7%81%a3%e8%88%87%e9%a6%99%e6%b8%af%ef%bc%8c%e8%ac%99%e5%8d%91%e8%88%87%e5%82%b2%e6%85%a2/

鄧力行:台灣與香港,謙卑與傲慢

台灣縣市長選舉,國民黨慘敗,民進黨取得空前勝利,民進黨主席蔡英文說:「我們可以高興,但是我們從今天晚上開始就要以這一次國民黨的失敗為警惕,一個政府如果不站在人民的這一邊,人民會隨時把權力收回去。」

這種政治領袖的謙卑,是我們在香港從來看不到的。這就是台灣和香港的分別,這就是普選和小圈子選舉的分別,這也將會是真普選和假普選的分別。

當一個地方有真正的普選,當管治者的去留操於人民之手,權力傲慢在人民的選票面前,必定有所收斂。我們且觀察一下某問鼎特首之心路人皆見的行政立法雙料議員,從她鄙棄民主的言論,從她蔑視人民的嘴臉,香港未來的所謂普選究竟是真是假,實在已經不言而喻。

差不多三年前,當蔡英文在總統選舉中敗選,她說:「台灣不能沒有反對的聲音,台灣不能沒有制衡的力量。我相信,只要大家繼續站在我們身後,給我們支持,給我們鞭策,我們一定還有未來!」

今天,蔡英文離「走完最後一里路」,又走近了一大步。香港的民主路,至今不但是停滯不前,更是有開倒車的危機。「票投國民黨,台灣變香港」是這次選舉中很響亮的口號。

當「今日香港,明日台灣」成為了台灣人民的惡夢,「今日台灣,明日香港」就成為了香港人民奮鬥的目標。也許距離這目標,我們還有很多里路要走。但是,我們必須繼續走下去。一定要。

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According to the Chinese Government, the Sino-British Joint Declaration about Hong Kong is "void".

China and Britain signed the Sino-British Joint Declaration in 1984, setting out the terms of Hong Kong's return to Chinese sovereignty in 1997. After the treaty was signed, it was registered at the United Nations by the Chinese and British governments on June 12, 1985.

Richard Ottaway, the chairman of the British Parliament's Foreign Affairs Committee, said during the emergency debate that Ni Jian, deputy Chinese ambassador to Britain, had conveyed the message on Friday that the Joint Declaration "is now void and only covered the period from the signing in 1984 until the handover in 1997".

Simon Young Ngai-man, a University of Hong Kong law professor, said Ni's use of the word "void" was bewildering. "This is clearly wrong and quite remarkable that we are hearing this only for the first time now, 17-1/2 years after the handover," he said. "It's wrong because paragraph 7 of the Joint Declaration states that the 'government of the UK and the government of the PRC agree to implement the preceding declarations and the Annexes to this Joint Declaration'," Young said.

Under the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties, such pacts can be invalidated for error, fraud, corruption, coercion or conflict with a peremptory norm, none of which applies to the Joint Declaration. Nor do any of the conditions for terminating, suspending, denunciating or withdrawing from a treaty, he said.

Beijing tells Britain it has no ‘moral responsibility’ for Hong Kong (http://m.scmp.com/news/hong-kong/article/1654603/china-says-british-complaints-over-hong-kong-visit-ban-useless)
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The occupied areas in Admiralty were cleared today. Many people were arrested. It seems that many people went there today so that they would be arrested.

The only remaining occupied site is in Causeway Bay outside Sogo department stores, and it is not expected to last much longer. I walked past Sogo everyday and today that site felt kind of lonely. It has stopped the tram from running smoothly for over two months, but unlike some bus companies, the tramway company has not applied for an injunction order. I wonder if it has anything to do with the operator being a French company.

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I sort of follow this blogger as I think he writes pretty well (not as good as 梁文道 but Leung is a real writer and this blogger is a journalist which is a different breed to me).

I don't think the English sentence is necessary. But that is on the banner in the picture of the blog.

http://aukalun.blogspot.hk/2014/12/blog-post_12.html?m=1

區家麟:我們什麼都有,也什麼都沒有

金鐘最後一夜,瘋狂的粉筆畫,等待水車一洗而空

我知道我會懷念,所以失去前已懂珍惜。

眼前景物終將逝去,所以從一開始要記錄。

我不敢說佔領區浪漫,因為每一刻都暗藏殺機,每一天的拖延正中下懷。

沒有留的理由,因為留得愈久,梁振英愈開心。

也沒有退的理由,因為甚麼都沒有爭取到。

更沒有升級的理由,給你攻陷政總又如何。

於是,原地不動,兩個半月。

當禁制令來了,沒有違令的理由;警察來了,也沒有流血的理由。

不敢說徒勞,因為很多人站直了。不跪著活,站起來,抬起頭,睜開眼,也許看不穿,但最少看得遠。

不敢說失敗,因為從來無奢望高牆會頃刻粉碎;再看,經歷75日,支持佔領的民意,確實比佔領前高。

不敢說成功,因為站直了的,會再次跪下;堅持不下去的,會沮喪;高牆的反撲,會更凌厲;世道荒涼,會更慘烈。

It’s just the beginning.

75天與75夜,我才讀懂了,《雙城記》開場名句的意義︰

這是最好的時代,也是最壞的時代;

這是智慧的時代,也是愚蠢的時代;

這是篤信的時代,也是疑慮的時代;

這是光明的季節,也是黑暗的季節;

這是希望的春天,也是絕望的冬天;

我們什麼都有,也什麼都沒有;

我們全都會上天堂,也全都會下地獄。

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好美麗的照片。

【年輕的雨傘】警方宣布明早協助執行金鐘禁制令,清理整個金鐘佔領區,12名穿校服的女生昨晚一字排開在佔領區搭着肩膀合照。 (李澤彤攝)

https://m.facebook.com/mingpaoinews/photos/a.503173639742776.1073741828.498203090239831/815390895187714/?type=1&theater

post-32-0-80167400-1418436311_thumb.jpg

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  • 1 year later...

An election of the 18 District Councils in HK was held on 22 November. There were 431 seats, and many young people (or not so young ones) who had taken part in Occupy Central ran for the seats. And some of them did win. (The student leader Joshua Wong did not as he was and still is too young. He has however applied for a judicial review on the age requirement of the laws.)

It was a bit surprising as we had heard only nay before the election and those who had meant to vote for the "umbrella soldiers" (傘兵) had kept their decision to themselves, it seems. I remember I was quite surprised when I heard that one of them had won soon after the end of voting. And it turned out that some had achieved the (almost) impossible.

And then the HK Government said, "we love young talents. We want them to join our consultative bodies." That was unexpected.

And I read this article "What a difference an election makes" today - https://thestandnews.com/politics/what-a-difference-an-election-makes/

"For at least a year before and a year afterward, Hong Kong's Occupy Central protest movement for universal suffrage elections was portrayed as the epitome of all evils. Not only pro-Beijing loyalists, but conservatives of all stripes and moderates as well could not find enough words to express their indignation over the illegal street sit-ins that blocked traffic for 79 days."

"Anti-Occupy activist Robert Chow was not the only one who warned protesters that payback time would come with the next election. Hong Kong Chief Executive Leung Chun-ying said the same thing, more than once: "vote them out." Loyalists took it to heart and ran their entire District Councils election campaign last month under the anti-Occupy clarion call: "use your vote; send the trouble-makers packing".

But no sooner had the votes been counted and the results begun to sink in, than the official tone changed … literally overnight … without even the slightest mention of the complete about-face that had just been executed. It was as though everyone actually knew all along that voters would not punish pro-democracy Occupy supporters.

Everyone must have also known that Occupy participants would not only not be scared off but would contest the November 22 District Councils election … and win enough votes to occupy many seats including two held by veteran loyalists. It was suddenly as if officials did not know that loyalist forces had done their utmost, using all means fair and foul, to try and make the official anti-Occupy doomsday predictions come true."

PS - when I read about the 2 Portuguese islands, I thought to myself, maybe independence is not that idiotic after all. I would not think about it because the difficulties are insurmountable, not because there is no truth in the arguments for it.

There will be another bigger and more complex general election in HK (for the Legislative Council) in 2016. It will be an interesting one.

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